JERUSALEM - The Israeli Cabinet overwhelmingly agreed Sunday to a deal with Hezbollah to swap a notorious Lebanese prisoner for the bodies of two captured soldiers, the prime minister’s spokesman said.

The proposed deal would also needs the approval of the Lebanese militant’s group secretive, decision-making Shura Council.

The agreement had sparked a fierce public debate over whether Israel would be giving up too much or carrying out its highest commitment to its soldiers to do everything possible to bring them home if they fell into enemy hands.

The deal would have Hezbollah return two soldiers it captured in a July 2006 cross-border raid that sparked a 34-day war. Israel would release Samir Kantar, imprisoned for a 1979 attack etched in the Israeli psyche as one of the cruelest in the nation’s history.

Hezbollah had offered no sign that Ehud Goldwasser and Eldad Regev were alive and the Red Cross was never allowed to see them.

For the first time, Prime Minister Ehud Olmert declared on Sunday that the soldiers were dead. Before the vote, Olmert told his Cabinet that Israel has concluded that the two soldiers killed during the raid or shortly after.

“We know what happened to them,” Olmert said, according to a prepared statement given to the Cabinet and released by his office. “As far as we know, the soldiers Regev and Goldwasser are not alive.”

Goldwasser’s father, Shlomo, said he was not surprised by the declaration, but wanted proof the soldiers were dead.

“There have been assessments for a long time,” he said. “But none of this matters because it is not fact. … They were alive when they (were) kidnapped and no one has provided us with evidence to the contrary.”

The Mossad intelligence agency and the Shin Bet security service opposed the deal, officials said. Germany has been trying to mediate a prisoner exchange since Israel’s war with Lebanon ended in August 2006.

Kantar is serving multiple life terms in the infiltration attack on a northern Israeli town. Witnesses said Kantar — then 16 — shot Danny Haran in front of his 4-year-old daughter, then smashed her skull against a rock with his rifle butt, killing her, too.

During the attack, Haran’s wife accidentally smothered their 2-year-old daughter in a frantic attempt to keep her quiet so Kantar and his comrades wouldn’t find them. Two Israeli policemen also were killed. Kantar denies killing the 4-year-old.

Critics have argued that swapping bodies for Kantar would offer militant groups an even greater incentive to capture soldiers and less of a reason to keep captives alive.

The debate over the deal taps into a military ethos that runs deep within Israeli society, where most young men and many young women perform compulsory service. Soldiers go out to battle with the understanding they won’t be left behind in the field.

The controversy also has weighed the immediacy of the Regev and Goldwasser families’ anguish against the pain suffered by a family attacked nearly 30 years ago. The woman whose family was killed by Kantar, Smadar Haran Kaiser, has in the past opposed his release.

An aide to Public Security Minister Avi Dichter said Haran Kaiser gave Dichter a letter approving the deal.

Israeli newspapers splashed pictures of the soldiers, their families and military comrades on their front pages.

“Bring them home,” ran the headline of the Yediot Ahronot mass-circulation daily. “Look us in our teary eyes,” ran the headline in Maariv, under a picture of Goldwasser’s parents and Regev’s father.

A recent poll by Israel’s Dahaf Research Institute showed that 65 percent of those questioned said Kantar should be released in exchange for the two soldiers held by Hezbollah, even if it was not known whether they are dead or alive.

The survey of 500 people had a margin of error of 4.4 percentage points.

The soldiers’ families have mounted a concerted public campaign to get the government to approve the deal. Family and friends demonstrated outside Olmert’s office while the ministers were deliberating.

Goldwasser’s wife, who has traveled the globe meeting with world leaders in an effort to bring her husband home, said troops would be less willing to fight for their country if they sensed their country had wavered in its commitment to its soldiers.

“If they won’t bring (the soldiers) back, I believe the message is to the people here is that the country is not going to stand for them, and this is why people in this country are not going to stand for this country,” Karnit Goldwasser told Associated Press Television News.

Some Cabinet ministers took the same view. “I believe in this deal with all my heart. There’s no room for hesitation, not to agree to the deal is to erase our obligation to bring back every soldier,” Cabinet Minister Meir Sheetrit said ahead of the meeting.

Other politicians were afraid the emotional appeals of the soldiers’ families could lead the government to bend sacred principles.

“If they are dead, I certainly oppose this deal,” dovish lawmaker Yossi Beilin told Israel Radio. “The principle must be releasing live prisoners for live hostages, and releasing bodies in return for the fallen.”

In addition to the two captured soldiers held in Lebanon, Israel is trying to win back a third soldier captured by Palestinian militants in a June 2006 cross-border raid from the Gaza Strip.

Sgt. Gilad Schalit has sent letters and an audio tape to his parents and is believed to be alive, though he has not been seen since his capture and the Red Cross has not been permitted to visit him.

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Iran says Israel’s recent military maneuvers were meant as a ‘big stick policy’ towards Iran prior to talks between Tehran and the G5+1.

Majlis (Parliament) Speaker Ali Larijani said that Israel’s ‘propaganda campaign’ to prepare for possible attacks on Iran shows Israel’s ‘destitution’ and takes place at a time when Iran’s Supreme National Security Council and Parliament are still reviewing a package of proposals from the G5+1 over Tehran’s nuclear program.

“The negotiations should take place in a calm atmosphere,” IRIB quoted Larijani as saying. “They (Israel) should know that they cannot make Iranians confused through their propaganda campaigns.”

Larijani, who until a few months ago was Iran’s top nuclear negotiator, added that the members of Iran’s nuclear negotiating team pay no attention to Israeli propaganda.

Iran is ‘fully prepared’ to confront any foreign threat, said Iran’s Parliament Speaker, adding that this was not the first time Iran faced such a malign campaign.

HSH/MR/GM

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Former Mossad chief Shabtai Shavit says Israel should be ready to attack if sanctions fail to sway Iran to renounce its nuclear program.

“As an intelligence officer working with the worst case scenario, I can tell you we should be prepared, we should do whatever necessary on the defensive side, on the offensive side, on the public opinion side for the West, in case sanctions don’t work,” Shabtai Shavit told the Sunday Telegraph.

“What’s left is a military action,” he continued.

Israel has stepped up its rhetoric against Iran and is said to be preparing its public for a war against the oil-rich Islamic Republic.

The New York Times quoted Pentagon officials last week as saying that over 100 Israeli F-16 and F-15 fighter jets staged a maneuver over the eastern Mediterranean and Greece between May 28 and June 12.

As part of the maneuver, Israeli jets flew over 900 miles, roughly the distance from their airfields to a nuclear enrichment facility in the central Iranian city of Natanz.

On June 6, Israeli deputy prime minister Shaoul Mofaz told the Yediot Aharonot that Tel Aviv would attack Iran if the country did not halt its nuclear activities.

In his comments to the Sunday Telegraph, the former Mossad chief also warned that American approval was not a necessary pre-requisite for Israel to carry out an air strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities.

“When it comes to decisions that have to do with our national security and our own survival, at best we may update the Americans that we are intending or planning or going to do something,” Shavit said.

MT/MR/GM

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The New Yorker magazine says Washington has escalated covert operations against Iran in a bid to destabilize the country’s leadership.

In a report published in the online version of The New Yorker magazine, investigative journalist Seymour Hersh has revealed that US Congressional leaders quietly agreed late last year to President Bush’s funding request for a major escalation of covert operations against the Islamic Republic.

The article centers on a highly classified Presidential Finding which, by US law, must be made known to Senate leaders, the Democratic and Republican House and to ranking members of the intelligence committees.

“The Finding was focused on undermining Iran’s nuclear ambitions and trying to undermine the government through regime change,” the article cited a person familiar with its contents as saying.

The finding also focused on working with the country’s opposition groups and funneling money.

The article cites current and former military, intelligence and congressional sources as saying that $400 million was approved by congressional leaders for clandestine operations against Iran.

US Special Operations Forces have been conducting cross border operations from southern and southeastern Iraq since last year, the article said.

These have included seizing members of Iran’s Qods force — an arm of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps — and taking them to Iraq for interrogation.

The operations also involved the pursuit, capture or killing of ‘high-value targets’ in the so-called war on terrorism, according to the article.

However, the article cited current and former officials as saying that the scale and scope of the covert operations inside Iran, including forces from the Central Intelligence Agency, have now been significantly expanded.

Many of these activities were not specified in the Presidential Finding and some congressional leaders have had serious questions about their nature, the article said.

According to former CIA officer, Robert Baer, the Jundullah terrorist group is among the outfits inside Iran benefiting from US support.

Jundullah, which operates in Iran’s Sistan-Baluchistan province and Pakistan’s Baluchistan province, has carried out a number of attacks against Iranian civilians as well as high-profile government and security officials.

Neither the Democratic leaders in Congress nor the White house and the CIA would comment on the finding, the article said.

MT/MR/GM

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Iran’s Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki says the Israeli regime is not in a position to embark on another ‘adventure’ in the region.

“We do not see the Israeli regime in a position to commit a new act of adventurism by attacking Iran, considering that it is still suffering from the consequences of its heavy defeat during its 33-day aggression against Lebanon two years ago. Another defeat of the Israeli regime will be further proof of its illegitimacy,” Mottaki told reporters in a joint press conference with his Pakistani counterpart Syed Naveed Qamar after the opening ceremony of the 17th session of the Joint Iran-Pakistan Economic Commission in Tehran Sunday.

“Iran’s mission to the UN will file documents and statements by the Zionist regime’s authorities because their speeches at various times are a clear admission of the regime’s aggressive attitude, its moves against international regulations and its possession of nuclear weapons,” he said.

He pointed to the package of incentives prepared by the six main powers on Iran’s nuclear case, saying, “Iran is studying the 5+1Group’s proposed package carefully and in a constructive spirit. The respectful attitude of the group’s representatives prepared the ground for Iran’s decision to study the package.”

On June 14, the EU Foreign Policy Chief Javier Solana presented a package of incentives to the Iranian Foreign Minister. The package was drawn up by the five permanent members of the UN Security Council plus Germany (5+1 Group) and requires Iran to renounce its right to uranium enrichment in exchange for a set of political, economic and security incentives.

Iranian officials insist that as a member of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and a signatory to the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), the Islamic Republic is entitled to acquire nuclear technology for electricity generation and peaceful applications in such important areas as medicine, agriculture and manufacturing.

Iran’s top diplomatic official added that the G5+1 had taken a constructive view of Tehran’s proposed package, which was submitted to a number of countries and international organizations. The package is aimed at tackling a range of issues the world is facing in connection with terrorism, nuclear proliferation, drug trafficking and other criminal activities that threaten peace and security across the world.

He recommended the Group of Eight industrialized countries should take a constructive stance on Iran based on the new circumstances and avoid politically-motivated measures. “This will be beneficial to all.”

In a statement issued on Friday, the Group of Eight urged Iran to accept the West’s new incentive package and suspend its uranium enrichment program.

SF/GM

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Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maiki has condemned the recent US raid in Karbala Province, saying the incident infringed Iraq’s sovereignty.

On Friday, American soldiers killed an unarmed Iraqi civilian and arrested four others in an early-morning military raid in Ganaga district, which is the birthplace of the Iraqi premier.

Maliki described the operation as a clear example of ‘breaking the law and infringing Iraq’s sovereignty’.

The control of security of the province has been handed over to Iraqi authorities.

According to Iraqi officials in Karbala province, before the operation US military airplanes deployed dozens of American troops to the area without informing them.

Earlier, outraged Iraqi officials had ordered an investigation into the lethal incident which drew the ire of Iraqi people.

They said that the US military operation violated the terms of the agreement on the handover of Karbala province to Iraqi troops.

“We denounce the operation and demand an explanation from US forces, as security forces in Karbala did not know about it,” said Oqeil al-Khazaali governor of Karbala city on Friday.

The civilians, who were killed and detained in the operation in the Ganaga district, were not outlaws nor did they belong to any armed group, he added.

DT/DT

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Richard J. Green holds a PhD. in physical chemistry from Stanford University.

A founding member of the Holocaust History Project Inc., Green is well known for his work against Holocaust denial.

In his essay he responds to the arguments against the Holocaust from a scientific viewpoint.

I. Introduction

Holocaust denial, known in Germany as the Auschwitz lie, has been gaining exposure in recent times, in part perhaps, because of the growth of the Internet. Deborah Lipstadt in her thought-provoking book Denying the Holocaust argues persuasively that the existence of the Holocaust is not a matter for debate: there is nothing to debate; it is a historical fact.

In principle, I agree with her. The pseudoscience of the deniers, however, has become so widespread, particularly on the Internet, that I do not think their material can be left unanswered. I strongly disagree with censorship. Whereas I agree that no particular publisher, newspaper, or Internet provider is under any obligation to publish the distasteful and false propaganda of the deniers, I do not agree with government intervention to shut down sites that choose to peddle such untruths. Rather, I believe such material must be met head on with accurate information lest the gullible be taken in. This essay is an attempt to provide such information concerning some of the most persistent deceptions of the deniers as well as to explain to the reader some of the context of those deceptions.

Central to the claims of the deniers is the claim that the Nazis, the SS and their accomplices did not commit mass murder with poison gas at Auschwitz. One of the major methods used by the deniers is to play on the public’s ignorance of chemistry as well as its ignorance of the methods of mass murder employed at Auschwitz-Birkenau.

II. A Brief Description of Auschwitz

Auschwitz was more than a camp; in fact it was a vast complex consisting of more than 40 satellite camps: it was a prison camp, a labor camp, an industrial center and a death camp. The complex included the I.G. Farben Buna rubber plant, the Monowitz camp where Primo Levi was held, the main Auschwitz camp (Auschwitz I) and the Birkenau (Auschwitz II) extermination camp, three kilometers Northwest of the main camp, where the majority of mass murders by poison gas took place.

In a recent estimate of the victims of the Auschwitz-Birkenau death camps, Franciszek Piper estimates that at least 1.3 million people were deported to Auschwitz-Birkenau among whom 1.1 million were Jews. He estimates that of these 1.3 million at least 1.1 million were killed or died. Piper estimates a maximum of 1.5 million dead including 1.35 million Jews.

It is a fact that an early Soviet estimate placed the victims of Auschwitz-Birkenau at 4 million and that the communist regime in Poland adhered to this number long after it was known to be untrue. It is a favorite tactic of deniers to claim that the untruth of this number should somehow affect estimates of the total number of Jews killed in the Final Solution. This claim is invalid. With a few notable exceptions, historians did not take the 4 million number seriously. Additionally, estimates for the number of dead were generally made by the overall European demographics and therefore would not depend on an error in a single camp even if it were made. Both of these points are demonstrated by the conservative estimates of Raul Hilberg who estimates that 1 million Jews were killed in Auschwitz-Birkenau and that 5.1 million Jews were killed in all. Hilberg first made his estimate in 1961 and reaffirmed it in 1985 with the “revised and definitive” edition of his seminal work, The Destruction of the European Jews.

Murder by poison gas took place at several installations in Auschwitz-Birkenau:
On 3 September 1941 a trial gassing was conducted in block 11 [of Auschwitz I]. Later, one room of the base-camp crematorium was equipped as a gas chamber [Krema I in Auschwitz I]. After these trials, in 1942, two abandoned thatch-roofed cottages in a wood at Birkenau were transformed into gas chambers; they were known as “the bunkers.” In the spring of 1943 construction of four modern crematoria [Kremas II-V] was completed on the site of Birkenau itself. Each was divided into three parts: a section for the crematory ovens, a place for prospective victims to undress, and a gas chamber. The bunkers were no longer used except in emergencies.

III. Zyklon B: A Pesticide and an Agent of Homicide

Raul Hilberg states:
TESTA sold Zyklon in different concentrations. Invoices presented to municipal or industrial clients for fumigation of buildings were printed with columns headed C, D, E, and F, each denoting a category of potency and price. As explained in a letter to Osland, strength E was required for the eradication of specially resistant vermin, such as cockroaches, or for gassings in wooden barracks. The “normal” preparation D was used to exterminate lice, mice, or rats in large, well-built structures containing furniture. Human organisms in gas chambers were killed with Zyklon B.

Hilberg notes in a footnote that the same preparation was used for the delousing of clothes.

The agent of mass gassing at Auschwitz-Birkenau was Zyklon-B, hydrogen cyanide (HCN), and a warning agent impregnated into a solid support. According to Kogon the solid support was diatomite and the appearance of Zyklon-B was of gray-blue pellets. In the instructions for the use of Zyklon B, published by its manufacturer, Degesch, three possible solid supports are mentioned: “Wood fibre discs, a reddish brown granular mass (diagriess — Dia gravel) or small blue cubes (Erco) are used as carriers.”

There are also patents for a porous support, a felt support, a Diagriess support, and an ERCO support. Irmscher identifies ERCO as a porous gypsum product. Such a description sounds like what is now called drierite.

Hydrogen cyanide (HCN), also known as hydrocyanic acid, prussic acid or Blaus?ure was the toxic agent in Zyklon B. Strictly speaking, the term hydrogen cyanide should be used for the pure compound and the term hydrocyanic acid reserved for its aqueous solutions, but this convention has been ignored so much that it is pointless to insist upon it. HCN is a high vapor pressure liquid; the Merck index lists its boiling point as 25.6 degrees Celsius (78.8 degrees Fahrenheit), significantly less than human body temperature. At room temperature (25 d C, 77 d F) the equilibrium vapor pressure of HCN is 750 Torr (760 Torr= 1 atmosphere), corresponding to 987,000 ppm. At 0 C (32 F) it is 260 Torr corresponding to 342,000 ppm. The Merck index warns, “Exposure to 150 ppm for 1/2 to 1 hr may endanger life. Death may result from a few min exposure to 300 ppm” Clearly, it is not necessary to reach equilibrium vapor pressure in order for the fumes of the liquid to be quite deadly.

HCN is explosive at 6% (60,000 ppm.); it is not necessary to reach such concentrations in order to murder. In its pure state, HCN is very dangerous to transport or to store; the Material Safety Data Sheet (MSDS) states:

Polymerization: Can occur violently in the presence of heat, alkaline materials, or moisture. Once initiated, polymerization becomes uncontrollable since the reaction is autocatalytic, produce heat and alkalinity (NH3). Confined polymerization can cause a violent explosion. HCN is stabilized with small amounts of acid to prevent polymerization. HCN should not be stored for extended periods unless routine testing confirms product quality.

HCN kills by binding cytochromes, enzymes important in respiration at the cellular level, and preventing them from functioning properly. HCN has a slight odor that has been described as being like almonds. The odor, however, is very difficult to detect and requires training. Zyklon B, accordingly, contained irritants to warn of the presence of HCN. The irritants were designed so that one irritant would be present sooner than the HCN and that another would linger around later.

Zyklon B at Auschwitz-Birkenau was used mainly for two purposes, delousing and murder. The eyewitness testimony to murder by poison is overwhelming. Pressac reconstructs a gassing that took place March 13, 1943:
That same night, 1,492 women, children, and old people, selected from a convoy of 2,000 Jews from the Krakow ghetto, were killed in the new crematorium. Six kilos of Zyklon B were poured into the stacks that opened into the four grillework columns implanted between the pillars that supported the ceiling. Within five minutes, all the victims had succumbed. The aeration (8,000 cu m an hour) and deaeration system (same strength) were then started up and, after 15 to 20 minutes, the atmosphere, which had been practically renewed every three to four minutes, was sufficiently pure so that members of the Sonderkommando could enter the stiflingly hot gas chamber. During this first gassing [in the new Krema II gas chamber], the Sonderkommandos wore gas masks as a precaution. The bodies were untangled and dragged to the goods elevator. Hair was clipped, gold teeth pulled out, wedding rings and jewels removed.

IV. History of Forensic Reports

From shortly after the war to the present there have been a number of forensic analyses conducted on facilities at Auschwitz-Birkenau including legitimate investigations as well as those conducted by Holocaust deniers. This section will give a brief history of those reports. Section V. will address in more detail the chemistry involved. In 1945 the Cracow Forensic Institute did a forensic analysis of the criminal traces left by the murderers.

Pressac summarizes some of their findings:
Toxicological analysis were carried out in 1945 by the Cracow Forensic Institute (7 Copernicus street) on 4 complete plates and 2 damaged ventilation orifices found in the ruins of Krematorium II. After scraping the white substance that covered these objects back to the metal, 7.2 grammes of scrapings were collected and subjected to two qualitative analysis, which established the presence of cyanide compounds. The report, signed by Dr. Jan Z. Robel, was written on 15th December, 1945 and transmitted to the Examining Judge, Jan Sehn.

Strzelecki describes other early forensic examinations including the following:
In 1945, an examination by the Institute of Judicial Expertise in Krakow of a sample of hair found in Auschwitz revealed the presence of compounds of prussic acid, the basic component of Zyklon B gas used in the gas chambers of Auschwitz. Traces of the acid were also found in metal objects found in the hair, such as pins, clasps, and gold-plated spectacle holders.

In 1988, Holocaust denier Ernst Zundel, was preparing for his defense in Toronto. With the help of Holocaust denier Faurisson and soon-to-be Holocaust denier David Irving he procured the services of a self-styled “engineer,” Fred A. Leuchter for the price of $35,000.

Lipstadt states: “The group spent three days in Auschwitz-Birkenau and one in Majdanek surreptitiously and illegally collecting bricks and cement fragments- Leuchter called them “forensic samples” -from a number of buildings, including those associated with the killing process. On returning to Massachusetts, Leuchter had the samples chemically analyzed. (He told the laboratory that the samples had to do with a worker’s compensation case.) He summarized his findings in The Leuchter Report: An Engineering Report on the Alleged Execution Chambers at Auschwitz, Birkenau, and Majdanek Poland, which was published by Zundel’s Samisdat Publications and David Irving’s publishing house, Focal Point Publications in London. “

Lipstadt adds a footnote that states in part:

The London edition was entitled Auschwitz:The End of the Line: The Leuchter Report - The First Forensic Examination of Auschwitz.

The title itself is, of course, an untruth; the first forensic examinations were done in 1945 as mentioned above. For the purposes of this article I will refer to Leuchter’s report as the Leuchter Report. As the Leuchter Report is one of the founding documents for the pseudoscientific claims of Holocaust deniers, it is worth checking on whether Leuchter represented his expertise as an engineer correctly.

In fact, in 1991, Leuchter, whose only degree is a BA in History, admitted falsely representing himself:

Leuchter, 48, of suburban Malden, was to face trial later this month on charges of practicing engineering without a license, a violation of Massachusetts law. But on June 11, he signed a consent agreement with the board that licenses engineers.

In it, Leuchter acknowledged that, “I am not and have never been registered as a professional engineer” and that he nevertheless had represented himself as an engineer in dealings with various states that use the death penalty and to which he supplied equipment or advice.

More evidence of Leuchter’s lack of expertise is collected in one place at the Nizkor web site. In a document available on the Zundel website, Leuchter summarizes his findings on the gas chambers:

The results published in the Leuchter Report are the important thing. Categorically, none of the facilities examined at Auschwitz, Birkenau or Lublin could have supported, or in fact did support, multiple executions utilizing hydrogen cyanide, carbon monoxide or any other allegedly or factually lethal gas. Based upon very generous maximum usage rates for all the alleged gas chambers, totalling 1,693 persons per week, and assuming these facilities could support gas executions, it would have required sixty-eight (6 8) years to execute the alleged number of six millions of persons. This must mean the Third Reich was in existence for some seventy-five (75) years. Promoting these facilities as being capable of effecting mass, multiple or even singular executions is both ludicrous and insulting to every individual on this planet. Further, those who do promote this mistruth are negligent and irresponsible for not investigating these facilities earlier and ascertaining the truth before indoctrinating the world with what may have become the greatest propaganda ploy in history.

The obviously specious reasoning here is typical of Leuchter’s style. No one has claimed that six million people were killed at Auschwitz-Birkenau. The number is closer to one million. His rate of “1,693 persons per week” is arbitrary. Notice how accurately he states the precision of that number. As far as Leuchter’s estimate of the killing rate goes, one need only refer to the passage from Pressac quoted above in which almost 1,500 were killed in half an hour. Ironically enough, it is by estimating the throughput of the gas chambers that the Soviets arrived at the erroneous figure of 4 million killed. Leuchter’s estimate is discussed in more detail below.

Leuchter also summarizes the results of his forensic tests:

Forensic samples were taken from the visited sites. A control sample was removed from delousing facility 1 at Birkenau. It was postulated that because of the high iron content of the building materials at these camps the presence of hydrogen cyanide gas would result in a ferric-ferro-cyanide compound being formed, as evidenced by the Prussian Blue staining on the walls in the delousing facilities.

A detailed analysis of the thirty-two samples taken at the Auschwitz-Birkenau complexes showed 1,050 mg/kg of cyanide and 6,170 mg/kg of iron. Higher iron results were found at all of the alleged gas chambers but no significant cyanide traces. This would be impossible if these sites were exposed to hydrogen cyanide gas, because the alleged gas chambers supposedly were exposed to much greater quantities of gas than the delousing facility. Thus, chemical analysis supports the fact that these facilities were never utilized as gas execution facilities.

Leuchter’s primary mistake is his initial assumption that exposure to HCN must result in the formation of Prussian blue. Another error is his claim that the delousing facilities were exposed to less HCN than the homicidal chambers. It turns out that it is more difficult to kill lice than it is to kill humans. Leuchter’s sensitivity is not good and it is doubtful that his samples were chosen carefully in regard to being sheltered from the elements.

Concentration of cyanide in the gas chambers (at least cyanide not complexed to iron) is at levels less than 1 mg/kg. Additionally, Leuchter should have taken as his control an ordinary building at Auschwitz-Birkenau, such as a barracks. Do the homicidal gas chambers contain more cyanide compounds than an ordinary barracks? The answer is yes as discussed below. A later investigator, Germar Rudolf has made many of these same mistakes albeit more carefully; these issues are discussed in more depth in section V. A point for point refutation of the arguments in the Leuchter Report can be found on the Nizkor website.

Another report that deserves mention is the Luftl Report even though it is not strictly speaking a forensic report. The author of the report, a real engineer, Walter Luftl, makes arguments concerning the supposed physical impossibility of using Zyklon B to murder. He conducts a largely irrelevant simulation concerning the ability of humans to heat a gas chamber and attempts to deceive the reader with the claim that the figure of six million Jews murdered should be lowered to 3.5 million with the recognition that 4 million were not murdered at Auschwitz-Birkenau. I have already discussed the basis of this fallacy above but further information may be found in an article on the Nizkor site.

An English version of the Luftl Report was published by a journal specializing in Holocaust denial, The Journal of Historical Review without the permission of the author, ostensibly to protect him from prosecution in Austria. Sarah Rembiszewski writes that Luftl was president of the Austrian Engineers’ and Architects’ Association, which [sic?] conducted a “study,” disseminated today through the Internet, “proving” that the Holocaust could not have happened. Luftl conducted his study at the request of a German lawyer and published his conclusions in the Viennese paper Die Presse under the title “Holocaust - Belief and Facts.” He was forced to resign from his position in the Engineers’ and Architects Association; Süddeutsche Zeitung, March 15, 1992.

I will now turn to discussing the background of a report of someone I consider to be one of the more clever and therefore more dangerous of the Holocaust deniers, Germar Rudolf. Rudolf was a graduate student in chemistry working at the prestigious Max Planck Institute (MPI). Owing to the fact that he actually has some understanding of chemistry many of his deceptions are more sophisticated than other Holocaust deniers.

Nonchemists should be somewhat careful in addressing his arguments. Ultimately, he engages in the same deceptions and specious arguments as Leuchter and Luftl, but the case he makes for those deceptions and arguments involves more difficult chemistry.

Below, I will address in more detail why the chemical arguments of the deniers regarding the use of Zyklon B in Auschwitz-Birkenau are not valid, but first I will discuss some of the history of the Rudolf Report as I have done for the Leuchter and Luftl Reports.

The story of the Rudolf Report begins with Otto Remer. Remer was a general during the Nazi regime and put down the attempted coup against Hitler in 1944. Remer was a Holocaust denier and was on trial in Germany for inciting race hatred. Remer’s lawyer Hajo Hermann commissioned Rudolf to write the Rudolf Report. Just as Leuchter had done before him, Rudolf collected samples from gas chambers as well as delousing facilities:
He traveled to Auschwitz in summer 1991, and took samples from the walls of one of the gas chambers and one of the delousing chambers. Using Max Planck stationary, he sent the samples to an analytical laboratory in Taunusstein, the Fresenius Institute.

Rudolf had an understanding with Remer that his report was only to be used in the court case. The report was never used in that case, but Remer began distributing the report claiming “it had the support of the Max Planck Society.” Subsequently, Rudolf found his own publisher. In June 1993, Rudolf was forced to leave MPI for improperly using its name. In a March 1994 legal settlement Rudolf’s dismissal was reworded as an “ending of the contract through mutual agreement.” A statement from MPI on the affair is available on the Nizkor web site. Rudolf’s legal troubles were far from over. Gerald Fleming writes in the foreword to Sarah Rembiszewski’s work:

On June 23, 1995, following a seven months’ trial, the Superior-Lomt (Landgericht) in Stuttgart sentenced Germar Scheerer to fourteen months imprisonment for spreading premeditated, offensive, mendacious and racist propaganda. The accused is now reportedly a fugitive from justice.

Rembiszewski explains that Rudolf changed his name to Scheerer after he got married in 1994. If this name change were the only one that Rudolf used, it would be understandable. Sheerer is not the only alternate name Rudolf uses. In many of his reports he cites the papers of “Dr. Ernst Gauss” as an expert on chemistry. It came to light during Rudolf’s 1994 trial that “Dr. Gauss” was a graduate student whose Ph.D. thesis was never accepted. That graduate student is named Germar Rudolf.

I do not believe that Rudolf’s offense would be criminal in the United States of America where citizens enjoy the protection of the First Amendment (a protection that would be lost were people like Rudolf and his hero Remer ever to come to power here). Not only do I disagree with such criminal prosecution on principle, but I think that it is counterproductive in that it gives people like Rudolf the ability to claim persecution. My task here, however, is to discuss the history of claims concerning the chemistry of Auschwitz-Birkenau and evaluate their validity. The fact that I think that people ought to be permitted to spread untruths does not make untruths into truths.

Next I will turn to what I will refer to as the IFRC Report, a paper by Jan Markiewicz, Wojciech Gubala, and Jerzy Labadz of the Institute of Forensic Research, Cracow (IFRC). In 1989, these researchers entered into discussions with the management of the Auschwitz-Birkenau museum about the possibility of detecting evidence of exposure to cyanides in the gas chambers; they were skeptical about the possibilities of such detection, but made the attempt anyway in 1990 in a preliminary study of 10 samples and 2 control samples. They were able to confirm the presence of cyanide in Krema II but nowhere else in this preliminary investigation. The results from their control samples were negative indicating that their results were meaningful.

After learning of the Leuchter Report, these authors decided to make a more extensive study.

Samples, about 1-2 g in weight, were taken by chipping pieces from bricks and concrete or scraping off [sic], particularly in the case of plaster and also mortar. The materials taken were secured in plastic containers marked with serial numbers. All these activities were recorded and documented with photographs. Work connected with them took the commission two days. The laboratory analysis of material collected was conducted - to ensure full objectivity - by another group of Institute workers.

The samples underwent qualitative analysis by means of a spectrophotometer. Cyanides were found in many of the samples, but this method was not suitable for quantitative analysis.

A significant concern in choosing a method for quantitative analysis is the presence of blue-staining in the delousing chambers, that is not obviously present in the homicidal gas chambers. I have written a brief article available on the world-wide web that discusses the chemistry of this staining and its relevance to forensic analysis. The important points of this chemistry are discussed in section V. of the current article. For reasons discussed below, the IFRC workers chose a method of detecting cyanides that discriminates against the compounds that form this staining, the iron blues. Additionally, they used a calibrated method:

The calibration curve was constructed previously and standards were introduced into each series of determinations to check the curve and the course of the determination.

The IFRC researchers found significant levels of cyanide in bunker 11, all five Kremas, as well as a facility used to fumigate prisoners’ clothing. In contrast, no cyanides were found in dwelling facilities that were “probably fumigated with Zyklon B only once (in connection with typhoid epidemic in 1942).” They summarize their findings as follows:

The results of analyses are presented in Tables I-IV. They unequivocally show that the cyanide compounds occur in all the facilities that, according to the source data, were in contact with them. On the other hand, they do not occur in dwelling accommodations, which was shown by means of control samples.

V. A Critique of the Forensic Reports

This section will examine the validity of claims made by the deniers as well as further elucidating the significance of the findings of the IFRC researchers. Some of the claims made in the reports of the deniers are not directly relevant to the chemistry of Auschwitz- Birkenau.

Nevertheless, a few of these arguments are so pervasive and so easily exposed as specious that they merit a brief discussion. The claims that do involve the chemistry of Auschwitz-Birkenau are divided into two categories: 1) claims of the impossibility of gassing, 2) claims that chemical analyses of forensic samples prove that no gassings could have taken place. For the most part, I will not address claims involving other camps at this time; I will also not address claims concerning the cremation furnaces and the cremation in ditches. These issues deserve a more complete treatment on their own.

The deniers like to play the numbers game. They state that it is impossible for 6 million people to have been killed in gas chambers at Auschwitz-Birkenau. They are quite right: the death toll at Auschwitz is closer to 1 million. The others murdered in the Final Solution were killed in other camps, ghettos, as a result of the Einsatzgruppen mobile killing squads, by death marches and other means.

Nevertheless, Leuchter underestimates the capacity of Auschwitz-Birkenau. Leuchter’s assumptions about the capacity for murder of the gas chambers assume

that the people could occupy the gas chambers at a density of maximum 1 person per 9 square feet (!!) and that it would take a week (!!) to ventilate the gas chambers before they could be used for another mass execution. These assumptions are absurd.

Deniers also like to take credit for debunking the incorrect claims of the Soviets that 4 million were killed at Auschwitz-Birkenau. Unfortunately for them, it was the respectable historians who provided the evidence for more accurate numbers. They also make the false claim that this change in the death toll of Auschwitz-Birkenau should drastically reduce the death toll of the final solution. This argument has been thoroughly discredited elsewhere.

Another claim is to echo Faurisson’s notorious statement, “No vents, no holocaust.” Air photos are supposed to show that vents in Krema II that were used, according to eyewitness testimony, to introduce Zyklon B in the gas chamber, were forged by the CIA or other unspecified conspirators. Michael Shermer, editor of Skeptic Magazine, writes:

Thanks to Dr. Nevin Bryant, supervisor of cartographic applications and image processing applications at Caltech/NASA’s Jet Propulsion Laboratory in Pasadena, California, I was able to get the CIA photographs properly analyzed by people who know what they are looking at from the air. Nevin and I analyzed the photographs using digital enhancement techniques not available to the CIA in 1979. We were able to prove that the photographs had not been tampered with, and we indeed found evidence of extermination activity.

Shermer reproduces a 1944 aerial photo of Krema II (figure 23) and a 1942 picture taken from the ground (figure 24).

The aerial photograph in figure 23 shows the distinctive features of Krema II. Note the long shadow from the crematorium chimney and, on the roof of the adjacent gas chamber at right angles to the crematorium building, note the four staggered shadows. [Holocaust denier, John C.] Ball claims these shadows were drawn in, but four small structures that match the shadows are visible on the roof of the gas chamber in figure 24, a picture taken by an SS photographer of the back of Krema II…

John Ball, at least, seems to be aware that his claims do not stand up. He offered on his web page a $100,000 for anyone who could get three air photo experts to disagree with the accuracy of his claims. When John Morris inquired about accepting Ball’s offer, Ball did not respond even though Morris made every effort to communicate his interest. Details are available on the Nizkor website.

The primary claims made by the deniers concerning the supposed impossibility of gassing with Zyklon B center on the rate of evaporation of HCN from Zyklon B. It evaporates too slowly, they claim, so that either it will not kill as fast as is claimed, or alternatively it will be too dangerous to the operators of the gas chambers. Luftl writes:

Hydrocyanic acid vapors are not released immediately after the cans are opened. The evaporation of Zyklon B requires as many as 32 hours or as few as six hours, depending on whether the ambient temperature ranges from five to 30 degrees Celsius. The evaporation rate is not exactly proportional to time.

Jamie McCarthy has addressed this claim:

[Luftl] ripped those figures from their context and cited them dishonestly. The “six to 32 hours” figure comes from the Degesch manual, but it refers only to the total exposure time required for lice. Since the metabolism of lice, like all cold-blooded creatures, is much slower at 5 C than at 30 C, the exposure time is necessarily longer.

In other words, Luftl is mixing apples and oranges. The times he quotes have nothing to do with the release time from Zyklon B. They have to do with the necessary fumigation times to kill lice. In answer to a criticism of the Leuchter Report that human body heat would be sufficient to raise the temperature to the “temperature of evaporation” of HCN Luftl responds:
Like so many Holocaust writers, Auerbach is mistaken. An experiment was carried out by this writer to simulate the heating of a chamber by human beings…

The chamber took an hour to heat using an 1.8 Kw electric convection heater, after which the room was “ventilated” for 30 minutes…

Even [in a room] with people “tightly packed crushed together,” an air temperature in excess of 30-32 degrees Celsius would not be attained. In addition, the gassings are supposed to have taken place quickly and on a quasi- industrial basis.

This simulation would be a comedy of errors were it not in the service of denying a tragedy of barely imaginable proportions. First of all, 1.8 kW is roughly equivalent to the heat output of 18 people, far fewer than would have been in the 5.43 square meters of floor space in the simulation. Secondly, and more importantly, it is not at all necessary to come near (or over!) the boiling point of HCN for it to evaporate rapidly. The boiling point of a liquid is the temperature at which its equilibrium vapor pressure is equal to the pressure of the atmosphere. Below the boiling point the vapor pressure of a liquid can be quite large. HCN has an extremely high vapor pressure even at very cold temperatures.

Anyone who doubts this fact should obtain some diethyl ether, open a small amount, and observe it evaporating. Ether boils at 34.6 Celsius; in other words its boiling point is greater than HCN.

This discussion is worthwhile because it shows how the deniers play on the public’s relative ignorance on such technical details. The argument, however, is moot because Gerhard Peters, who was the general director of Degesch, the company that sold Zyklon B has written a book on the topic, in which he gives the evaporation times of Zyklon B. Ulrich Roessler translates:

The development of the gas from the Zyklon sets in with great vehemence immediately following the pouring out of it. The thinner the layer of the disseminated support material the faster will be the development of the gas. Depending on the species of the pests to be controlled, and on the characteristic of the rooms to be gassed, one may choose to reach the maximum of the gas concentration to arise very quickly or more slowly by the thickness of the disseminated layer. Usually, the material will be disseminated in a layer of 1/2 to 1cm thickness, then the greatest part [der groste Teil] of the HCN will have developed already after half an hour at normal temperature. [i.e. 20 degree C].

Roessler comments further:

Now, der groste Teil der Blaus?ure is by no means only 50% - it means rather nearly all of the HCN.

Even at -10 C Peters states that the evaporation is essentially complete in 1 hour with an upper bound for complete evaporation of 2 hours.

These facts should not be taken to mean that gassing with Zyklon B was 100% safe. Kremas II and III were equipped with ventilation systems; the gas chambers in Kremas IV and V were built above ground to allow natural ventilation. Pressac in the quote near the beginning of this article states:
the Sonderkommandos wore gas masks as a precaution.
If the Nazis and their accomplices were smart enough to handle the hazards of Zyklon B for delousing purposes, it is reasonable to suppose that they were smart enough to handle those hazards when committing murder. In Nizkor’s Leuchter FAQ , another spurious objection is answered swiftly and accurately: 2.09 If the gas chambers were ventilated, the gas would kill people outside.

Nonsense; it is all a question of concentration. Once the gas is released into the atmosphere, its concentration drops and it is no longer dangerous. Also, HCN dissipates quickly. The execution gas chambers in US prisons are also ventilated directly into the atmosphere. Furthermore, if this argument would hold for the extermination chambers, it would hold for the delousing chambers as well, and one would have to conclude that no delousing chambers existed either.

Another claim is refuted merely by reference to the Merck Index. In order to be explosive HCN requires a concentration of 6% (60,000 ppm). There is simply no reason to add enough Zyklon B to allow such a concentration to build up.

In considering the forensic measurements, I will make the not necessarily warranted assumptions that Rudolf and Leuchter can be trusted to have handled their samples carefully and honestly. What they claim to measure is a large discrepancy between the levels of cyanide in the blue-stained delousing chambers compared to the homicidal gas chambers that do not have obvious staining in Auschwitz-Birkenau (the Majdanek chamber is an interesting exception that deserves some comment below).

These measurements are essentially meaningless. The information content is not more than the fact that some of the delousing chambers have blue-staining and the homicidal chambers do not.

There are three conceivable explanations for this difference.
The presence of Prussian-blue staining is a necessary consequence of exposure to HCN and the fact that it is not present in the homicidal chambers proves they were not used for homicidal gassing.

The Prussian-blue staining is present for reasons having nothing to do with the exposure to HCN. For example Bailer has suggested it may be a pigment from paint.

The Prussian-blue staining indeed owes its presence to exposure to HCN, but the conditions under which it formed were not universally present in all facilities exposed to HCN. The rate of Prussian-blue formation may be very different under the conditions used in homicidal chamber versus the conditions in delousing chambers.

Answer number one is, of course, untenable. We know that homicidal gassings occurred from historical evidence independently of the chemistry involved. Nevertheless, I will suspend my disbelief for a moment. If the lack of Prussian blue is supposed to prove that no gassing took place, possibilities 2 and 3 must be disproven. If it is not possible to do so, then the impossibility of gassings at the Kremas has not been shown.

My article on Prussian blue discusses some of the issues involved in its possible formation. The iron in Prussian blue exists in two oxidation states Fe(II) and Fe(III) (the Roman numeral in parenthesis denotes the formal positive charge on iron). The significant question is how the Fe(III) present in construction materials forms Fe(II). Such a process is called reduction and requires a reducing agent, viz., something that gets oxidized when Fe(III) gets reduced. (Oxidation means the formal loss of electrons, i.e., negative charge, whereas reduction means the gain of electrons.)

Bailer could not think of a possible reducing agent and looked elsewhere for a reason for the Prussian blue stains. I consider his explanation unlikely but not disproven.

Rudolf has suggested HCN acts as the reducing agent, and that suggestion is possible. I have shown that if Rudolf’s explanation for the presence of Prussian blue in the delousing chambers is correct that its formation in the gas chambers would have been unlikely at best. Alich et al. have shown that this method of Prussian blue formation is extremely sensitive to concentrations, pH, presence of water, and the presence of Fe (III) that is already complexed with cyanide. It should be mentioned that Rudolf tried and failed to produce Prussian blue.

The difficult part comes into play in understanding the kinetics of how Prussian blue forms. How fast does it form and under what conditions? The exposure conditions of the delousing chambers and the homicidal gas chambers were quite different, if the Degesch directions for delousing were followed. The walls in the delousing chambers may have been exposed to HCN for over 20 hours at a time at levels up to 16,000 ppm.
Additionally, the amount of water present, the amount of carbon dioxide present (from humans exhaling) and the temperature are crucial to understanding the differences. I suspect that the kinetics are too difficult to model without resort to experiment. In order to prove his thesis, Rudolf must demonstrate that it is necessary for Prussian blue to form under the conditions employed in the homicidal gas chambers.

The control used in the measurements of Leuchter and Rudolf is biased. They contain Prussian blue as the major form of cyanide and the kinetics of Prussian blue formation are far from obvious. Cyanide residues, not in the form of Prussian blue are far more susceptible to weathering away. The IFRC researchers experimented with exposing building materials to HCN and found that the cyanides were easily removed with exposure to water. The samples that they found containing cyanides from the Kremas were carefully taken from places in the chambers that were as sheltered from the elements as possible. Leuchter and Rudolf, collecting their samples illegally could not afford that luxury.

The IFRC being aware of the problems using a biased control containing Prussian blue used a method that discriminated against such compounds that only measure other cyanides present. The IFRC found traces of cyanide at levels significantly above background in all 5 Kremas as well as bunker 11. They also measure concentrations in bath-house B1-A in Birkenau, which was used for delousing prisoners’ clothing. Samples from the bath house did indeed have higher concentrations of cyanides, but it is not the case that every sample from the bath-house had higher concentrations than every sample in the Kremas. For example, sample number 25 from Krema II had measurements of 640,592, and 620 ug/kg. Sample 46 from Krema V had measurements of 244, 248, and 232 ug/kg. In contrast sample 53 from the bath-house camp B1-A in Birkenau had measurements of 24, 20, and 24 ug/kg. Overall concentrations for the fumigation chambers ranged from 0-900 ug/kg. In the Kremas they ranged from 0-640 ug/kg. So it is true that the highest measurements were higher in fumigation chambers (discriminating against iron blues), but not by much. There is another important fact. Concentrations in control samples from dwelling accommodations were 0 +/- 1 ug/kg. In other words, there is no doubt that the Kremas were exposed to a source of HCN. If the intent is to prove that the Kremas could not have been homicidal gas chambers, it has failed.

Before concluding it is worth mentioning the case of the gas chamber at Majdanek. This chamber has Prussian blue staining. Pressac has interpreted this fact to mean that delousing must have taken place in this chamber.

The red-ochre bricks stained with dark blue were for him [Maître Jouanneau] material and visible proof of the existence of homicidal gas chambers. The problem , for there is one, is that the gas chamber presented all the characteristics of a DELOUSING installation. I am not saying that it was never used to kill people, for that is still possible, but the traces of Prussian blue are an absolutely certain indication of use for delousing purposes….

Pressac believes that the presence of Prussian blue proves that the chamber was used for delousing. Whereas he does not view Prussian blue as proof that the chamber was not used for homicidal purposes, he implies that homicidal purposes alone would not produce Prussian blue.

Happy to be logically inconsistent as long as they can spread a bit of confusion to obfuscate the truth, at least one denier has claimed on the basis of Pressac’s statement that the chamber in question was only a delousing chamber.

I am not yet convinced of Pressac’s reasoning. I do not think it is obvious that homicidal gassing can never produce Prussian blue stains, and I would suggest that a counterassertion demands the same kinetic arguments that the deniers are unable to produce.

VI. Conclusion

In this article I have discussed some of the history as well as the chemistry of mass murder at Auschwitz-Birkenau. I have shown that the arguments of the deniers do not hold up when shown the light of day.

It is much easier to tell a lie than to expose one. Perhaps, that is one of the unspoken reasons that motivates people to advocate censoring hate-speech. Whereas I am opposed to censorship and hate speech laws, I am not embarrassed to call Holocaust-denial hate speech. That is what it is. People who are smart enough to obfuscate using pseudoscientific arguments are also smart enough to know what they are doing: propagating a lie. Although some people may be attracted to Holocaust denial because of gullibility and/or mental illness, these people are not the same people who write these clever but mendacious pseudoscientific reports. The people who write these reports are motivated by a desire to rehabilitate Nazism, an ideology of hate. Hate-speech is what it is, and in calling it that I am merely exercising my right of free speech.

The arguments made by the deniers are, of course, repulsive, but they can only have an effect if the public is not educated enough to see the poor scholarship disguised with footnotes. It is because of this restriction on the possibility of the deniers to have an effect that I believe that accurate information is the best possible response.

source: www.holocaust-history.org

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Iraq and the US are now at loggerheads over a new open-ended security agreement which would sanction continued presence of the US military in the country, envisage permanent military bases, and give the American military personnel and security contractors the license to kill more Iraqi civilians.

The US-proposed agreement would legalize the presence of the American military after the UN mandate expires after December 31. So the agreement if concluded will be the US ace in the hole in Iraq.

With their capitulatory right, the US military can freely detain the Iraqi civilians under the guise of military operations.

In November, US President George W. Bush and Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki signed a secret non-binding statement of principles for the negotiations for the conclusion of a final pact due to be in July. No one really knows the terms of the agreement. Yet, they can be easily surmised by a mind familiar with US policies.

The agreement brought swift condemnation from politicians and religious leaders who barely discern an iota of goodwill in the US-proposed agreement. Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani said he would not allow the Iraqi government to strike a pact with “the US occupiers” as long as he was alive.

Abdul Aziz al-Hakim, leader of the Islamic Supreme Council in Iraq, said that there was “a national consensus on rejecting many of the points put forward by the American side in the agreement, because they detract from national sovereignty.”

The brave Iraqi cleric Moqtada al-Sadr also urged a referendum for the agreement.

Also in Iran, Ayatollah Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani believes that the United States is trying to enslave Iraqis through the deal.

He has said that the ‘essence of this agreement is to enslave the Iraqis before the Americans if it is sealed. This will not happen. The Iraqi people, the Iraqi government and the Islamic nation will not allow it.” He warned of a permanent occupation of the country which is to be seen a danger to all nations of the region.

Iraqi MP Hasan al-Sanid has told al-Iraqiyah that “Iraqi negotiators rejected all US demands and talks have been suspended to allow negotiators to refer to decision makers with the aim of changing US ideas.”

One of the sticking points in the agreement is that the US has demanded absolute powers in the so-called anti-terror fight which would undermine Iraq’s sovereignty. In fact, the agreement gives the US the blank check to render its own definition of terrorism in the world. In plain language, Iraq will remain a killing field so the US military may implement their policy of terror and coercion in the region.

The agreement artfully drafted by US officials will not only jeopardize the Iraqi sovereignty but will also give the US military the right to use Iraq as a launching pad for attacks against other countries, including Syria and Iran.

The US military, however, says that it has no plans for permanent bases in Iraq. Yet, if facts are taken into account, one will see but a hidden agenda behind the agreement.

The US has built overwhelmingly huge military bases including air bases, detention centers, ground force headquarters, and logistical depots in different parts of Iraq with the express intention of exercising complete control over the whole country. More than one billion dollars has been spent on the construction of these military bases. This also gives the negative signal to the Iraqi people that they are planning to perpetuate their presence in the country. Some of the main bases are; al-Balad, also known as Camp Anaconda, north of Baghdad; al-Talil, southwest of Nasiriya; al-Asad, west of Baghdad; al-Qayyara, southeast of Mosul; Camp Victory/Camp Liberty, a complex near the Baghdad International Airport. Many of these bases are well-equipped with diverse amenities to boost the morale of the military such as mess halls, sports facilities, Post Exchange department stores, fast food restaurants including a 24-hour Burger King, a Pizza Hut, a Starbucks knockoff called “Green Beans,” and Baskin Robbins ice cream outlets.

The construction of a sizeable number of bases and a gargantuan embassy complex is certainly meant for long-term military and political activities.

The Iraqi people have constantly expressed resentment and concern over these military bases which can be interpreted as only long-term presence of the US military, exploitation of the country’s resources and violation of independence, sovereignty and freedom.

Also, the construction of a mammoth embassy complex in Baghdad leaves no doubt in the mind that the US government harbors some hidden agenda in the country.

The one-billion dollar New Embassy Compound in the Green Zone occupies 104 acres - ten times the size of its kind anywhere in the world, and six times the size of the UN compound in New York. There are reportedly 1000 diplomats working there many of whom are CIA agents who are working there as technicians. As the Persian saying goes, they have anchored their ship of greed there.

Manifestly, the US government seeks to have a permanent presence in the country, have full control over air space and lands, secure the capitulatory right to immunize its army against the detention and killing of the Iraqis, and finally to use Iraq as a safe launching pad to attack the countries which antagonize the US expansionistic policies in the region including Iran and Syria.

The agreement is yet another US stratagem to practice its long-term policy of expansionism and military adventurism in the region.

It is to the best interests of the Iraqi people if the US troops just leave the land to the afflicted people and let them write their own fate. And it is better for the US government to pull out the teeth of greed and avarice it has long whetted for the region.

Ismail Salami is the author of ‘Iran Cradle of Civilization’ and numerous articles on Middle East and Asia. He can be reached at salami@salamionline.com.

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While the world faces one of its worst crisis and millions of people are struggling with starvation and death, analysts point finger at several factors.

Soaring oil prices, high consumption of food products in developing countries including India and China, and unprecedented drought in Australia, one of the major producers of wheat and rice are among factors analysts blame for the hike in food prices.

Although such factors have contributed to the current situation they cannot explain why food prices have been skyrocketing in the past six months.

“We have enough food on this planet today to feed everyone,” says the head of the UN Environment Program, Achim Steiner, but “the way that markets and supplies are currently being influenced by perceptions of future markets is distorting access to that food.”

“Real people and real lives are being affected by a dimension that is essentially speculative,” says Steiner.

According to the UN official millions “have found themselves unable to pay for food” as food prices began to go through the roof since the beginning of 2008.

Now, millions of people across the world are struggling with what Josette Sheeran of the World Food Program (WFP) describes as “a silent tsunami”.

Although the issue of food crisis has recently been grabbing headlines, public media have barely scratched the surface of the catastrophic situation. The reason is obvious: in a capitalistic dog-eat-dog world the exchange market must be considered as a source of prosperity and no one should be allowed to cast doubt on its sacredness.

In his article The trading frenzy that sent prices soaringpublished by the Newstatesman, Iain Macwhirter, writes: “The reason for food ’shortages’ is speculation in commodity futures following the collapse of the financial derivatives markets. Desperate for quick returns, dealers are taking trillions of dollars out of equities and mortgage bonds and ploughing them into food and raw materials. It’s called the ‘commodities super-cycle’ on Wall Street, and it is likely to cause starvation on an epic scale.”

The reality is that hedge funds and speculators have found future food contracts a lucrative field of activity which can be considered as a license to print money.

The injection of these large sums of money into the marked has created artificial demands which have sent food prices soaring; however, this lucrative trade has so far claimed 100 million lives and left many others struggling with poverty and hunger.

The price of wheat is estimated to be increased by 73 percent by the end of 2008. The situation for other food items is not better: the price of soybeans is expected to rise by 54 percent and that of soybeans oil by 49 percent.

Deutsche Bank estimates that the prices of corn, one of the main food sources, would double over a short period of time.

“Just like the boom in house prices, commodity price inflation feeds on itself. The more prices rise, and big profits are made, the more others invest, hoping for big returns. Look at the financial websites: everyone and their mother is piling into commodities. It is the great bull market of the Noughties. The trouble is that if you are one of the 2.8 billion people, almost half the world’s population, who live on less than $2 a day, you may pay for these profits with your life.

This speculation doesn’t happen on its own, however. Commodities such as gold and oil are favourite “hedges” against falling currencies. But this time all manner of other commodities, such as wheat and rice, have been swept along in the inflationary slipstream,” Macwhirter adds.

The issue of future contracts and speculations is not the only contributing factor in the current global crisis; the industrialized world’s US-led drive to use food products for developing bio fuels has fanned the flames of famine and hunger across the world.

The developed nations justify their move which UN officials described as “a crime against humanity” by the notion that such fuel resources would cut their dependency on fossil fuels whose resources are mainly located in other parts of the world. The US grants heavy subsidies ($11-12billion) for the production of ethanol corn every year.

At the beginning of a recent FAO summit in Rome, Jacques Diouf, the head the UN organization lashed out at the US over the issue:
“Nobody understands [why] $11-12 billion of subsidies in 2006 and protective tariff policies [should be used to] divert 100 million tons of cereals from human consumption, mostly to satisfy a thirst for fuel for vehicles.”

As Indian Finance Minister P. Chidambaram says converting food products to bio fuel is “the most foolish thing” that humanity can do and should be condemned, yet Washington encourages farmers to follow this unwise practice, isn’t it surprising?

The painful fact is that we have enough food to feed the world but many people, mainly innocent children, have to die to satisfy “the deadly greed” of speculators and certain politicians.

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A senior Iranian commander says the armed forces are prepared to deliver an ‘awe-inspiring’ response to any attack against the country.

During a Tuesday speech at the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps headquarters, Major General Mohammad-Ali Jafari said no ’strategic mistake’ by Israel or the US would be overlooked by Iran.

Washington and Tel Aviv’s inability to face Iran’s defensive capabilities has caused them to resort to psychological warfare, the IRGC commander suggested.

“The enemy knows that the IRGC is prepared to defend the country and the Islamic Revolution. This is why no one is able to launch any attack against Iran,” he added.

Maj. Gen. Jafari made the remarks following a New York Times report quoted Pentagon officials as saying that Israel recently carried out a large-scale military maneuver, which appeared to be a rehearsal for an attack on Iran.

According to the report, over 100 Israeli F-16s and F-15s flew more than 900 miles off the southern Mediterranean island of Crete, roughly the distance from Israeli airfields to Iranian nuclear enrichment facilities.

Israel accuses Iran of ‘producing bomb-grade uranium’ and has repeatedly threatened to wage war on the country if Tehran continues with its nuclear plans.

Iran, which according to the most recent UN nuclear watchdog report has conducted a civilian program, insists nuclear weapons have no place in its defensive doctrine.

MD/HGH/DT

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